Macfarlane makes plain that Josselin, more perhaps than his oath commoners of s eveningteenth-century England, was engaged by the great events of the English Civil state of war period. To be sure, as a country parson, Josselin could hardly be expected to be a prime mover of policy-making events during Cromwell's reign and the Restoration. What The Family Life of Ralph Josselin does is place in grand-historical place setting the path of experience of common folk, and at the same time show that few in England could escape the obligation of declaring for one locating or the other. More, the book elicits the content of the social, semipolitical, and moral environment--what today we would environ the popular culture or perhaps the popular political culture--into which ordinary folk as well as their nobler counterparts entered. Finally, the inordinately detailed attention that Josselin gave to the diarist enterprise is of none in itself, for surely not every country parson of the Cromwellian era devoted extended personal time to writing.
Macfarlane sets the context for an examination of Josselin's diary by looking at the evident rationale for keeping a diary in the scratch place. Self-improvement and an impulse toward piety are cited by Macfarlane, scarce he cautions that "if we used diaries on their own we would recei
Macfarlane, Alan. The Family Life of Ralph Josselin: A Seventeenth-Century Clergyman. New York: W.W. Norton, 1977, [1970]
These political commotions create a particularly important background to Josselin's life, for his ecclesiastical animated was affected by changes in government. He showed his appreciation of the consequence of political events both in the entries in his Diary and even in his dreams, a large proportion of which were political in content (21).
Macfarlane becomes most evocative and The Family Life of Ralph-Josselin most revelatory when he uses the diary as a way of get in into a brief psychohistory of Josselin.
Macfarlane cautions that his analysis of Josselin's mental structures may not be particularly valid, and the caution is worth noting because it is suggestive on its own:
Although the following attempt to go beyond a conventional discussion of Josselin's religious thought will inevitably produce many distortions and oversimplifications of complex problems, it is hoped that it will also suggest some worthwhile problems for the historian of ideas (163).
Now. Where can we find and how shall we determine a universal significance in the results of Macfarlane's efforts? It is not an light(a) task to tell how valuable Macfarlane's analysis is, however, for inevitably his exposition of Josselin's entries might differ from that of another analyst. Thus the principal flunk of Macfarlane's psychohistorical dabbling is that it stands a bit alone in the emergent creation of social anthropology or historiography. Although he refers to various studies of Puritanism, Macfarlane does not really compare Josselin's discussion of dreams to the emerging secular intellectualism at the block of the Restoration period. Thus Macfarlane's study will be idiosyncratic and therefore suspect until the research design can be duplicated more or less in the manner of duplicating biological research into rats and worms. Consider for exam
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