Kissinger's Views

. . has contributed to what I refer to as the 'Europeanization' of American foreign policy. One of the key elements in this break has been a ponderously conceptualized and updated version of the parallelismofpower doctrines of the nineteenth Century . . . that Kissinger has studied so intently. . . The paradox is that Kissinger's world, and ours, has been irretrievably revolutionized at the very moment he sought to stabilize it in the oldfashioned terms.

The concept of power that is the basis of Kissinger's balance ofpower approach to foreign relations is in go bad obsolete because "power . . . has been alchemized into powerlessness. At the alike(p) time, an explosive increase in communications technology and in economic relations has made the world more forgetdependent. Thus the old concepts associated with the term 'balance of power' no longer suffice. The very success of Kissinger's policies has made plain that they are ground on a flawed foundation; his world view is anachronistic."

The personality of Kissinger himself is in any sheath an important element of any consideration of his perception and carrying into action of foreign policy. He practiced what Mazlish calls "personality as policy," curiously with respect to the shuttle diplomacy he engineered in the midsection East. Personalityaspolicy proved to be in effect(p) on the surface, but it also introduced an element of cultishness which does not bode wellspring for the future of American foreign policy, considering

Oppenheim, L.H. Politics in Chile. Boulder, Colorado: Westview, 1993.

what turned forth to be accurate intelligence reports. Again, then,

Szulc, Tad. The Illusion of Peace. New York: Viking, 1978.

As Dallek writes in this regard, "To be sure, Arab threats to Israel without Soviet support would have been less heartrending to world peace, but the 'main cause of . . . tensions' sprang more from local conditions than from Soviet involvement in the region. . . . [Nevertheless,] Nixon and Kissinger continued throughout Nixon's term to see the Middle East largely as a problem in SovietAmerican relations.

" Nixon and Kisinger did attempt some accommodations with the Soviets, as with the Chinese, and they negotiated a trade pact with Leonid Brezhnev in 1972 in a deal that never took effect.

Three months after the 1976 coup, according to the American Ambassador Robert cumulation, U.S. Secretary of State atomic number 1 Kissinger gave the green light to Argentina's coup leaders to continue their dingy war. Hill, who greeted the coup, later became disturbed by the military's grand-scale violations of human rights. His criticism of Kissinger carried weightiness since he could not be accused of being a liberal. A Former director of the United Fruit Company, Hill had helped plan the coup that overthrew the elected government of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala.

When the Arabs attacked Israel, it was Kissinger who essentially controlled United States foreign policy, with Nixon preoccupied with Watergate. As Brown writes, the " emplacement quo ante" was what Kissinger hoped to achieve, and "accordingly, Nixon sent Brezhnev a letter urging joint restraint and the convening of the UN Security Council, while Kissinger pressed the case with his counterparts in the Soviet Union, Egypt, and Israel for a ceasefire based on the status quo ante. Otherwise, however, the United States kept a depression profile during the first few days of the war."

freedom. The United States has exhibit a willingness
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