Indeed, the charges leveled by the author are not aimed but at the lower-level players in the government. Kwitny argues that such players could not freely post as illegally and im examplely as they do unless such behavior was condoned at high levels. It is not enough that higher officials --- as in this case and in the cases of Watergate and Iran-Contra --- claim ignorance of the specialized crimes committed. Even if they were ignorant of such crimes, their policy-making and practices establish a mode of government which allows and even encourages such criminal behavior.
As Kwitny writes, "The need, claimed by the past eight presidents, to pursue a utter(a) and largely secret global war by handsome means or foul against what is said to be a relentlessly expanding Soviet empire has justified gross violations of Ameri quarter law against the interests of American citizens for forty years. What is happening new in 1987 is that a window has suddenly been opened on this buns world before the spooks who inhabit it could completely take masking piece" (p. 11).
As in the Iran-Contra case, the Nugan Hand Bank case shows that the corruption of the United States government includes international elements which a
As the author notes, "Rough orders are given by presidents---prevent such-and-such from happening at all costs --- and left for recital straight down the intelligence community's chain of command. So when components steal, when they urge drug deals, how far does the patriotic cloak granted by national policy stretch to cover them? Does it cover an agent who lines his pockets in side deals while working in the prepare of national security? What are the boundaries of law and morality when it comes to foreigners who are regarded as our 'friends,' and hurting those who are regarded as our 'enemies'?" (p. 25).
He writes, in this regard: " . . . Obviously, the CIA for more than thirty-five years has involved itself in drug trafficking.
If that is not a policy ever officially approved by a Director of Central Intelligence, it is however a practice so widely known that it can be considered an approved policy by the mere situation that no director has put a stop to it" (p. 354).
The self-serving denial by Earl Yates at the end of the book sure as shooting makes claims which strain credibility far more than anything Kwitny claims. For example, Yates makes it seem as if the military and intelligence communities are staffed with saints instead of individuals who have been shown to be willing and required to do whatever they need to do in order to accomplish their ends, whether legal or illegal, whether moral or immoral.
re willing and eager to co head for the purposes of gaining gelt and power. It is difficult for Americans to claim the fact that their government is involved in such corrupt and criminal behavior. The people can accept the fact that there are international drug export rings, but it is painful to consider that such rings operate in cooperation with the United States government, or at least consequential and powerful elements of that government, either condoned or ignored by higher-ups in that government.
Kwitny, Jonathan. (1988). The crimes
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